A manifesto, the Valencian Declaration; a newspaper, The correspondence of Valenciaand a party, Union Valencianista Regionalista. This is how the 14th of November 1918 the Valencian nationalism took the last step and after decades of social and cultural initiatives it formed its first political platform. He did it in a determined manner and claimed a "Valencian state" with "complete sovereignty" and "ownership of his" and with the ability to "get hold of other states" of the future Iberian Federation. One hundred years later, with different demands, nationalism lives and is in institutions, mainly through Commitment, in the mayor of Valencia and in 19 of the 99 seats in the Valencian Cortes.
This ambitious roadmap soon came up against the disturbed Spanish history and it was only five years after its creation that the establishment of the dictatorship Primo de Rivera (1923-1930) and the ban on political parties came about. It was therefore necessary to wait for the arrival of the Second Republic because political Valencianism was able to represent institutions, including an ephemeral mayor of Valencia in 1931. But happiness was short and, again, a The dictatorship, in this case under leadership of Francisco Franco, cleared the way for the inhabitants of Valencia, and the first statute of autonomy of the Valencian country died at the Congress of deputies before it was approved.
Although according to the professor of history of law at the Universidad Jaume I of Castellón Vicent Baydal, the Valencian declaration "was the fundamental letter that laid the foundation for the outbreak of Valencia that was 13 years later", there were already two precedents. The first, the cultural and artistic movement of the Renaissance led by poets like Teodor Llorente or Constantí Llombart. The second, the work carried out by entities such as Valencia Nova: promoted in 1904 by the doctor Faustí Barberà, who three years later organized the Valencian Regional Assembly to commemorate the second centenary of the Battle of Almansa, in an initiative he followed the example of Catalan solidarity born in 1906.
A link between Catalonia and the Valencian Country which, according to the former secretary of the Valencian Academy of Language Agustí Colomer, also took place with Unió Valencianista Regionalista, de facto "Sister of the Regionalist League of Catalonia". The third major actor during the first years of the 20th century was the Valencian youth, who in 1914 brought together the Valencian Affirmation meeting, which was the key to the creation of symbols of Valencianism such as Aplec del Puig and also takes part in the writing the Valencian Declaration.
In addition to being a precursor to the political Valencianism that emerged during the Second Republic – with the appearance of nearly a dozen nationalist parties – the manifest of the year 1918 also became a lever of modernity. This is how the philologist Anna García Escrivá defends her, emphasizing how the Valencian declaration "introduced elements such as the defense of female voices", which arrived in Spain on April 16, 1933.
It is exactly this transformative seal that the Tirant lo Blanc association is trying to intensify. This year this has promoted the elaboration of a Declaration of New Valencia, which will be presented on 23 November. The new version is intended to update the text in those areas that can not be included due to the historical context in which it is created, such as ecology, social inclusion or feminism. For the president of the entity, Gonçal Andreu Grau, "this expansion is essential" to become more transversal. That is why they have called for participation in very diverse collectives such as the Sobirania Alimentaria entity or the Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid. "
This integrating mind is in fact the common denominator of the current discourse of the various actors of political Valencianism. A good example is the Republican left of the Valencian country, which according to the president, Josep Barberà, wants to bet on & # 39; an agglutinating identity that goes far beyond the language that everyone speaks & # 39 ;. In the same vein, Águeda Micó, the national coordinator of the Valencian Nationalist Bloc, is the main force of Commitment, which emphasizes that Valencian reality "asks for specific formulas to be created for special realities such as those in the southern region." . "
For Toni Gisbert, spokesperson for Cultural Action, the main challenge is to take advantage of the fact that Valencianism has become the central element of the political debate, "a circumstance that never happened", an analysis shared by Micó, which emphasizes that "Nor was he so present at the institutions." However, the leader of the blog acknowledges the limitations of the autonomous system, "especially in the financial field", and recalls that in the evolution or involution of the model of crucial importance is "the resolution of the conflict in Catalonia".
For Àgueda Micó, despite the disillusion that arises in Valencian society, the continued postponement of the reform of the financing model or the "radial" management of infrastructures, "Valencian nationalism will not become independent". Gisbert, on the other hand, does not share this interpretation because he says: "If the Spanish elites do not learn what happened in Catalonia and Valencia, there is a growing sense of sadness, let's be honest about what can happen."